*UPDATED: A rough guide to foreign military bases in Africa

Posted on February 15, 2017Categories General

Foreign military intervention in Africa is controversial when it happens, and occasionally controversial when it doesn’t.

It’s a symptom of the fragility of African states, and the power of external interests. The long and inglorious history of intervention runs from colonial and post-colonial struggles, through to the Cold War, and up to the present day.

But we are now in a complex, multipolar world. The “war on terror”, the arrival of China, and the emergence of regional powers, jostling for influence, has complicated the map. Nothing better illustrates this than the spread of foreign bases on African soil.

Hotspots

The twin hotspots are the Sahel and the Horn of Africa. “It’s where Europe touches Africa, and where Africa touches the Middle East,” explained the Africa director for the International Crisis Group, Comfort Ero.

The Sahel controls the migration route that conveys young men and women across the Mediterranean. It’s also a zone of instability, where al-Qaeda, so-called Islamic State and Boko Haram operate. It’s where state administration and even basic services are absent, encouraging that flow.

From bases across the region, US drones and French soldiers have joined African armies to push the militants into the remote hinterlands. But blasting Jihadists from the sky does not win the hearts and minds argument.

“The challenge is, despite the rise of new security structures in the last few years, they haven’t done much to change the [political] dynamic on the ground,” Ero told IRIN.

Those alliances also give leaders like Idriss Déby in Chad and Ismaïl Omar Guelleh in Djibouti some regime security and a pass on their dodgy human rights record.

And Guelleh has milked it. Djibouti lies on the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, a gateway to the Suez Canal, one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes. It’s also a waypoint between Africa, India, and the Middle East, and makes a lot of money from hosting seven armies – America, China, Italy, France, Germany, Japan, Spain, and soon Saudi Arabia.

The lease on the only permanent US military base in Africa, Camp Lemonnier is $63 million a year. China, building its own facility at the other end of the Gulf of Tadjoura, gets a bargain at $20 million. Only Iran seems to have been refused a berth in Djibouti.

The following is a rough guide to whose boots are where in Africa.

 

 

 

 

 


China

Djibouti: China is building its first overseas military base at the port of Obock, across the Gulf of Tadjoura from the US Expeditionary Base at Camp Lemonnier. It’s the latest in China’s $12 billion investments in Djibouti, including a new port, airports and the Ethiopia-Djibouti rail line. The base will have the capacity to house several thousand troops, and is expected to help provide security for China’s interests in the rest of the Horn of Africa.

France

Chad: Headquarters of the anti-insurgent Operation Barkhane. The roughly 3,500 French troops operate in Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger.

Cote d’Ivoire: The facility at Port-Bouët, a suburb of Abidjan, is to be expanded from 500 to 900 men and form a forward operating base for West Africa.

Djibouti: A long-standing French military presence, now comprising roughly 1,700 personnel.

Gabon: A key base that has contributed troops to France’s interventions in Central African Republic.

Germany

Niger: An air transport base at Niamey international airport to support Germany’s growing troop contribution to the UN mission in Mali.

India

Madagascar: India’s first foreign listening post was set up in northern Madagascar in 2007 to keep an eye on ship movements in the Indian Ocean and listen in on maritime communications.

The Seychelles: Has allocated land on Assumption Island for India to build its first naval base in the Indian Ocean region. The ostensible interest is counter-piracy, but India also seems to be keeping an eye on China.

Japan

Djibouti: Since 2011, a contingent of 180 troops has occupied a 12-hectare site next to Camp Lemonnier. This year, the outpost will be expanded. The move is seen as a counter to Chinese influence, linked to a new strategic engagement with Africa, underlined by the Sixth Tokyo International Conference on African Development held in Nairobi last year.

Saudi Arabia

Djibouti: After falling out with Djibouti, Riyadh is now finalising an agreement to build a new base. Saudi Arabia is leading a coalition fighting Houthi rebels in Yemen, across the narrow Bab-el-Mandeb Strait.

Turkey

Somalia: Ankara’s first military base in Africa is a training facility for Somali troops. Turkey has steadily increased its influence in Somalia, with major development and commercial projects. In 2011, then Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan became the first foreign leader to visit Mogadishu since the start of the civil war.

United Arab Emirates

Eritrea: In 2015, the UAE began developing the mothballed deepwater port of Assab and its 3,500-metre runway, capable of landing large transport planes. Assab is now the UAE’s main logistics hub for all operations in Yemen, including the naval blockade of the Red Sea ports of Mokha and Hodeida. In return, the isolated Eritrean government has received a financial and infrastructural aid package.

Libya: Operates counter-insurgency attack aircraft and drones from Al-Khadim airport in eastern Libya in support of the Libyan National Army fighting jihadist militants.

Somalia: The UAE trains and equips Somalia’s counterterrorism unit and National Intelligence and Security Agency. It also supports the Puntland Maritime Police Force, which is believed to have played a role in interdicting Iranian weapons smuggling to the Houthis.

Somaliland: The UAE has a 30-year lease on a naval and airbase at the port of Berbera. Last year, Dubai Ports World won a contract to manage and double the size of the port, ending Djibouti’s monopoly on Ethiopia’s freight traffic. The UAE is reportedly providing military training and a security guarantee to the self-declared independent territory.

United Kingdom

Kenya: A permanent training support unit based mainly in Nanyuki, 200 kilometres north of Nairobi

United States

Burkina Faso: A “cooperative security location” in Ouagadougou provides surveillance and intelligence over the Sahel.

Cameroon: Garoua airport in northern Cameroon is also a drone base targeting Boko Haram in northeastern Nigeria. It houses unarmed Predator drones and some 300 US soldiers.

Chad: Predator and Reaper drones are based in the capital, Ndjamena.

Central African Republic: US special forces are based in the “temporary sites” of Obo and Djema, helping the Ugandan army hunt for Joseph Kony and his Lord’s Resistance Army

Democratic Republic of Congo: Dungu is another “temporary site” used in the hunt for Kony.

Djibouti: Camp Lemonnier, a 200-hectare expeditionary base housing some 3,200 US soldiers and civilians next to the international airport. Home to the Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa of the US Africa Command, it is the only permanent US military base in Africa.

Ethiopia: A small drone facility at Arba Minch was operational since 2011 but is now believed to have closed.

Gabon: Bare-bones launch pad for quick-reaction forces called in to protect diplomatic facilities in the region.

Ghana: Bare-bones launch pad for quick-reaction forces.

Kenya: Camp Simba in Manda Bay is a base for naval personnel and Green Berets. It also houses armed drones for operations in Somalia and Yemen.

Niger: An initial base in Niamey has been overshadowed by Agadez, capable of handling large transport aircraft and armed Reaper drones. The base covers the Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin

Somalia: US commandos are operating from compounds in Kismayo and Baledogle.

The Seychelles: Drone operations from a base on the island of Victoria.

Senegal: The Senegal facility was used during the US military’s Ebola response.

South Sudan: Nzara airfield is another base for US troops searching for Kony, and related surveillance operations. US special forces have also provided training to South Sudanese troops.

Uganda: PC-12 surveillance aircraft fly from Entebbe airport as part of the US special forces mission helping the Ugandan army hunt for Joseph Kony and the Lord’s Resistance Army.

 

*This story was updated on 20 February 2017 to include a United Arab Emirates’ base in Libya, and several US facilities in West and Central Africa not included in the original report

(TOP PHOTO CREDIT: United States Marine Corps)

oa/ag

*UPDATED: A rough guide to foreign military bases in Africa

Foreign military intervention in Africa is controversial when it happens, and occasionally controversial when it doesn’t.

It’s a symptom of the fragility of African states, and the power of external interests. The long and inglorious history of intervention runs from colonial and post-colonial struggles, through to the Cold War, and up to the present day.

But we are now in a complex, multipolar world. The “war on terror”, the arrival of China, and the emergence of regional powers, jostling for influence, has complicated the map. Nothing better illustrates this than the spread of foreign bases on African soil.

Hotspots

The twin hotspots are the Sahel and the Horn of Africa. “It’s where Europe touches Africa, and where Africa touches the Middle East,” explained the Africa director for the International Crisis Group, Comfort Ero.

The Sahel controls the migration route that conveys young men and women across the Mediterranean. It’s also a zone of instability, where al-Qaeda, so-called Islamic State and Boko Haram operate. It’s where state administration and even basic services are absent, encouraging that flow.

From bases across the region, US drones and French soldiers have joined African armies to push the militants into the remote hinterlands. But blasting Jihadists from the sky does not win the hearts and minds argument.

“The challenge is, despite the rise of new security structures in the last few years, they haven’t done much to change the [political] dynamic on the ground,” Ero told IRIN.

Those alliances also give leaders like Idriss Déby in Chad and Ismaïl Omar Guelleh in Djibouti some regime security and a pass on their dodgy human rights record.

And Guelleh has milked it. Djibouti lies on the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, a gateway to the Suez Canal, one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes. It’s also a waypoint between Africa, India, and the Middle East, and makes a lot of money from hosting seven armies – America, China, Italy, France, Germany, Japan, Spain, and soon Saudi Arabia.

The lease on the only permanent US military base in Africa, Camp Lemonnier is $63 million a year. China, building its own facility at the other end of the Gulf of Tadjoura, gets a bargain at $20 million. Only Iran seems to have been refused a berth in Djibouti.

The following is a rough guide to whose boots are where in Africa.

 

 

 

 

 


China

Djibouti: China is building its first overseas military base at the port of Obock, across the Gulf of Tadjoura from the US Expeditionary Base at Camp Lemonnier. It’s the latest in China’s $12 billion investments in Djibouti, including a new port, airports and the Ethiopia-Djibouti rail line. The base will have the capacity to house several thousand troops, and is expected to help provide security for China’s interests in the rest of the Horn of Africa.

France

Chad: Headquarters of the anti-insurgent Operation Barkhane. The roughly 3,500 French troops operate in Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger.

Cote d’Ivoire: The facility at Port-Bouët, a suburb of Abidjan, is to be expanded from 500 to 900 men and form a forward operating base for West Africa.

Djibouti: A long-standing French military presence, now comprising roughly 1,700 personnel.

Gabon: A key base that has contributed troops to France’s interventions in Central African Republic.

Germany

Niger: An air transport base at Niamey international airport to support Germany’s growing troop contribution to the UN mission in Mali.

India

Madagascar: India’s first foreign listening post was set up in northern Madagascar in 2007 to keep an eye on ship movements in the Indian Ocean and listen in on maritime communications.

The Seychelles: Has allocated land on Assumption Island for India to build its first naval base in the Indian Ocean region. The ostensible interest is counter-piracy, but India also seems to be keeping an eye on China.

Japan

Djibouti: Since 2011, a contingent of 180 troops has occupied a 12-hectare site next to Camp Lemonnier. This year, the outpost will be expanded. The move is seen as a counter to Chinese influence, linked to a new strategic engagement with Africa, underlined by the Sixth Tokyo International Conference on African Development held in Nairobi last year.

Saudi Arabia

Djibouti: After falling out with Djibouti, Riyadh is now finalising an agreement to build a new base. Saudi Arabia is leading a coalition fighting Houthi rebels in Yemen, across the narrow Bab-el-Mandeb Strait.

Turkey

Somalia: Ankara’s first military base in Africa is a training facility for Somali troops. Turkey has steadily increased its influence in Somalia, with major development and commercial projects. In 2011, then Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan became the first foreign leader to visit Mogadishu since the start of the civil war.

United Arab Emirates

Eritrea: In 2015, the UAE began developing the mothballed deepwater port of Assab and its 3,500-metre runway, capable of landing large transport planes. Assab is now the UAE’s main logistics hub for all operations in Yemen, including the naval blockade of the Red Sea ports of Mokha and Hodeida. In return, the isolated Eritrean government has received a financial and infrastructural aid package.

Libya: Operates counter-insurgency attack aircraft and drones from Al-Khadim airport in eastern Libya in support of the Libyan National Army fighting jihadist militants.

Somalia: The UAE trains and equips Somalia’s counterterrorism unit and National Intelligence and Security Agency. It also supports the Puntland Maritime Police Force, which is believed to have played a role in interdicting Iranian weapons smuggling to the Houthis.

Somaliland: The UAE has a 30-year lease on a naval and airbase at the port of Berbera. Last year, Dubai Ports World won a contract to manage and double the size of the port, ending Djibouti’s monopoly on Ethiopia’s freight traffic. The UAE is reportedly providing military training and a security guarantee to the self-declared independent territory.

United Kingdom

Kenya: A permanent training support unit based mainly in Nanyuki, 200 kilometres north of Nairobi

United States

Burkina Faso: A “cooperative security location” in Ouagadougou provides surveillance and intelligence over the Sahel.

Cameroon: Garoua airport in northern Cameroon is also a drone base targeting Boko Haram in northeastern Nigeria. It houses unarmed Predator drones and some 300 US soldiers.

Chad: Predator and Reaper drones are based in the capital, Ndjamena.

Central African Republic: US special forces are based in the “temporary sites” of Obo and Djema, helping the Ugandan army hunt for Joseph Kony and his Lord’s Resistance Army

Democratic Republic of Congo: Dungu is another “temporary site” used in the hunt for Kony.

Djibouti: Camp Lemonnier, a 200-hectare expeditionary base housing some 3,200 US soldiers and civilians next to the international airport. Home to the Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa of the US Africa Command, it is the only permanent US military base in Africa.

Ethiopia: A small drone facility at Arba Minch was operational since 2011 but is now believed to have closed.

Gabon: Bare-bones launch pad for quick-reaction forces called in to protect diplomatic facilities in the region.

Ghana: Bare-bones launch pad for quick-reaction forces.

Kenya: Camp Simba in Manda Bay is a base for naval personnel and Green Berets. It also houses armed drones for operations in Somalia and Yemen.

Niger: An initial base in Niamey has been overshadowed by Agadez, capable of handling large transport aircraft and armed Reaper drones. The base covers the Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin

Somalia: US commandos are operating from compounds in Kismayo and Baledogle.

The Seychelles: Drone operations from a base on the island of Victoria.

Senegal: The Senegal facility was used during the US military’s Ebola response.

South Sudan: Nzara airfield is another base for US troops searching for Kony, and related surveillance operations. US special forces have also provided training to South Sudanese troops.

Uganda: PC-12 surveillance aircraft fly from Entebbe airport as part of the US special forces mission helping the Ugandan army hunt for Joseph Kony and the Lord’s Resistance Army.

 

*This story was updated on 20 February 2017 to include a United Arab Emirates’ base in Libya, and several US facilities in West and Central Africa not included in the original report

(TOP PHOTO CREDIT: United States Marine Corps)

oa/ag

*UPDATED: A rough guide to foreign military bases in Africa

Water crisis in the Gulf needs radical solutions

Posted on July 21, 2016Categories General

Despite their location smack in the middle of the desert, the Gulf countries have water parks, public fountains, and bright green lawns.
But all that glitters is not gold, and a water crisis is looming for countries such as Saudi Arabia and the Uni…

Despite their location smack in the middle of the desert, the Gulf countries have water parks, public fountains, and bright green lawns.
But all that glitters is not gold, and a water crisis is looming for countries such as Saudi Arabia and the Uni…

Briefing: How the world’s top donor spends its aid

Posted on February 4, 2015Categories General
During
2013 the United Arab Emirates spent over US$5.5 billion on Overseas
Development Assistance (ODA) – at 1.33 percent, it had the largest ratio
of Gross National Income to aid of any country globally during that
year. * – See more at:
http://controlpanel.irinnews.org/Preview/ReportPreview.aspx?ReportId=101089&Service=MID#sthash.mNMt6OiG.dpuf

During 2013 the United Arab Emirates spent over US$5.5 billion on Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) – at 1.33 percent, it had the largest ratio of aid to Gross National Income of any country globally during that year. *

This week the UAE’s Ministry of International Co-Operation and Development (MICAD) presented a detailed breakdown of how and where it spent its 2013 foreign aid. In total it supported 145 different countries, with Egypt dominating spending. Here’s a breakdown of some of the key trends.

– Overall development spending – budget assistance, fuel support, health, education, infrastructure, agriculture, energy, biodiversity etc – accounted for 94.60 percent of the money.

– The Egyptian government received more than 80 percent of this – $4.6 billion – four times the amount of the UAE’s total aid allocation in 2012 (see chart below).

– Humanitarian causes – food, shelter and other relief for emergencies – received $144.3 million (2.45 percent) and $173.96 million (2.95 percent) went to charity projects, such as religious sites and small organisations (see chart below).

 

– Shelter and non-food items were distributed to 32 projects in the following 10 countries: Jordan, Turkey, Pakistan, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, Palestine, Sudan, Kazakhstan and the Philippines.

– Nearly two thirds of the UAE’s humanitarian aid – $87.2 million – was directed towards to Syrian refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq and Turkey.

– During 2013 the Emirates Red Crescent shipped 735 tons of dates to various countries across the world.

  

More on this topic: UAE aid – a top 20 donor plans to get bigger

Serving up five-star service for refugees the UAE way

 

*According to the Development Assistance Committee (DAC), the body at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation (OECD) responsible for issues surrounding aid, development and poverty reduction in developing countries.

 

lr/am-jd

101089
Briefing: The world’s top aid giver
During
2013 the United Arab Emirates spent over US$5.5 billion on Overseas
Development Assistance (ODA) – at 1.33 percent, it had the largest ratio
of Gross National Income to aid of any country globally during that
year. * – See more at:
http://controlpanel.irinnews.org/Preview/ReportPreview.aspx?ReportId=101089&Service=MID#sthash.mNMt6OiG.dpuf

During 2013 the United Arab Emirates spent over US$5.5 billion on Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) – at 1.33 percent, it had the largest ratio of aid to Gross National Income of any country globally during that year. *

This week the UAE’s Ministry of International Co-Operation and Development (MICAD) presented a detailed breakdown of how and where it spent its 2013 foreign aid. In total it supported 145 different countries, with Egypt dominating spending. Here’s a breakdown of some of the key trends.

– Overall development spending – budget assistance, fuel support, health, education, infrastructure, agriculture, energy, biodiversity etc – accounted for 94.60 percent of the money.

– The Egyptian government received more than 80 percent of this – $4.6 billion – four times the amount of the UAE’s total aid allocation in 2012 (see chart below).

– Humanitarian causes – food, shelter and other relief for emergencies – received $144.3 million (2.45 percent) and $173.96 million (2.95 percent) went to charity projects, such as religious sites and small organisations (see chart below).

 

– Shelter and non-food items were distributed to 32 projects in the following 10 countries: Jordan, Turkey, Pakistan, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, Palestine, Sudan, Kazakhstan and the Philippines.

– Nearly two thirds of the UAE’s humanitarian aid – $87.2 million – was directed towards to Syrian refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq and Turkey.

– During 2013 the Emirates Red Crescent shipped 735 tons of dates to various countries across the world.

  

More on this topic: UAE aid – a top 20 donor plans to get bigger

Serving up five-star service for refugees the UAE way

 

*According to the Development Assistance Committee (DAC), the body at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation (OECD) responsible for issues surrounding aid, development and poverty reduction in developing countries.

 

lr/am-jd

101089
Briefing: The world’s top aid giver

NGO probes gaps in tackling anaemia in pregnancy

Posted on October 7, 2010Categories General

Are iron-folic acid tablets difficult to take? Is the packaging appropriate? What are health workers advising? Is the mineral content correct?
These are some of the questions the organization Micronutrient Initiative (MI) is posing in several …

Are iron-folic acid tablets difficult to take? Is the packaging appropriate? What are health workers advising? Is the mineral content correct?
These are some of the questions the organization Micronutrient Initiative (MI) is posing in several …

Le Royaume-Uni, un modèle pour le financement privé des secours d’urgence

Posted on September 6, 2010Categories General

Le Comité britannique de gestion des urgences liées aux catastrophes (DEC), un organisme fondé il y a plus de 45 ans afin de convaincre les organisations humanitaires de collaborer plutôt que de se livrer concurrence pour récolter des fonds d’urgen…

Le Comité britannique de gestion des urgences liées aux catastrophes (DEC), un organisme fondé il y a plus de 45 ans afin de convaincre les organisations humanitaires de collaborer plutôt que de se livrer concurrence pour récolter des fonds d’urgen…

Comment obtenir l’attention à Copenhague

Posted on December 11, 2009Categories General

Certains des pays les plus pauvres du monde, qui sont aussi les plus affectés par le changement climatique, sont à la recherche de stratégies pour obtenir l’attention des participants aux négociations climatiques de la Conférence de Copenhague afin…

Certains des pays les plus pauvres du monde, qui sont aussi les plus affectés par le changement climatique, sont à la recherche de stratégies pour obtenir l’attention des participants aux négociations climatiques de la Conférence de Copenhague afin…

Vive les vitamines !

Posted on May 12, 2009Categories General

Pendant la crise financière asiatique qui a duré trois ans, dans les années 1990, le nombre d’enfants souffrant d’anémie en Indonésie a considérablement augmenté, les populations pauvres n’ayant pas les moyens de se procurer des vivres de qualité. …

Pendant la crise financière asiatique qui a duré trois ans, dans les années 1990, le nombre d’enfants souffrant d’anémie en Indonésie a considérablement augmenté, les populations pauvres n’ayant pas les moyens de se procurer des vivres de qualité. …